Annapolis - should we hold our breath?
One view of the Annapolis "meeting" and the peace process leading up to it holds that, while there will inevitably be difficulties and problems along the way, it is a genuine attempt at peace by both sides with a real possibility of making substantial progress. People of this persuasion may point to Olmert's statements indicating a willingness to return parts of East Jerusalem to the Palestinians and the moderate politics of Abbas as evidence for their optimism.
A different take on the situation holds that while both sides are sincere in their efforts to move closer towards a just two-state settlement, political conditions are such that the current peace push is unlikely to achieve anything significant or productive. To support this view, one may point to the conflict between Hamas and Fatah, and the fact that Abbas's government - however moderate it may be - lacks democratic legitimacy and has little control over Gaza. Hamas enjoys the support of enough Palestinians to ensure that its cooperation will be necessary for any serious attempt at peace, and that cooperation just doesn't exist at the moment. Furthermore, on the Israeli side we have a very weak Prime Minister whose coalition relies on the support of extreme right-wingers Shas and Avigdor Lieberman, who have threatened to quit if Olmert makes too many 'concessions'. The International Crisis Group recently published a detailed report ('After Gaza') that reached essentially this conclusion - a serious peace effort is not possible without some minimal level of cooperation betwen Fatah and Hamas, and that just isn't happening right now.
A third view agrees with all the reasons given above about hostile political conditions, but adds that in any event, Israel is not sincere in its peace overtures and in fact continues to reject the international consensus two-state settlement (namely, full withdrawal in exchange for peace, with an independent Palestinian state established on the West Bank and Gaza with East Jerusalem as its capital). People who hold this view may compare Olmert's rhetoric with the government's actions on the ground - for example, even as Olmert was making lovely speeches about "statehood" and returning some of East Jerusalem, the IDF issued an expropriation order for over 1,100 dunams of land from four Palestinian villages between East Jerusalem and the settlement of Ma'aleh Adumim - the clear aim being to free up the "E-1" area for Israeli development. As veteran Ha'aretz correspondent Akiva Eldar wrote,
Likewise, Israeli settlements have continued to expand throughout 2006 and 2007, both east and west of the wall. Settlement expansion in the Jordan Valley continued, as did Israeli house demolitions there. Further, the illegal wall - described by the OCHA as a "de facto border" - continued to be constructed along a route that, when completed, will annex to Israel approx. 10% of the West Bank, trapping some 60,000 Palestinians in no-man's land between the wall and the Green Line. The projected route of the wall extends deep into Palestinian territory around Israeli settlement blocs (Ariel and Ma'aleh Adumim), and when complete will cut East Jerusalem off from the rest of the West Bank. Such actions, it is argued, are not at all consistent with a government genuinely seeking a just two-state settlement - on the contrary, they cohere perfectly with Israel's long established objective of severing the West Bank into several de facto non-contiguous cantons, annexing the Jordan Valley and allowing the Palestinians to call this "swiss-cheese" territory a "state". They further point to U.S./Israeli policy over the past year, which has been quite openly designed to fuel conflict between Hamas and Fatah and reject any offer of dialogue from a Hamas that entered office in the midst of a year-long self-imposed unilateral ceasefire, talking about a long-term truce with Israel. The fact that Israel/U.S. deliberately caused the collapse of the National Unity Government and are as we speak forbidding Abbas to talk to Hamas - a step that almost all informed analysts agree is a necessary prerequisite to any meaningful attempt at peace - demonstrates clearly that, far from representing a sincere attempt to end the conflict, the current "peace process" is actually driven by short-term political interests (i.e. the drive to isolate Hamas) and is merely a distraction from the continued colonisation of the West Bank.
For what it's worth, I am of the third view - I wrote an article about it here explaining why (with sources n all that).
I'd be interested to hear how others interpret the situation. Any thoughts?
A different take on the situation holds that while both sides are sincere in their efforts to move closer towards a just two-state settlement, political conditions are such that the current peace push is unlikely to achieve anything significant or productive. To support this view, one may point to the conflict between Hamas and Fatah, and the fact that Abbas's government - however moderate it may be - lacks democratic legitimacy and has little control over Gaza. Hamas enjoys the support of enough Palestinians to ensure that its cooperation will be necessary for any serious attempt at peace, and that cooperation just doesn't exist at the moment. Furthermore, on the Israeli side we have a very weak Prime Minister whose coalition relies on the support of extreme right-wingers Shas and Avigdor Lieberman, who have threatened to quit if Olmert makes too many 'concessions'. The International Crisis Group recently published a detailed report ('After Gaza') that reached essentially this conclusion - a serious peace effort is not possible without some minimal level of cooperation betwen Fatah and Hamas, and that just isn't happening right now.
A third view agrees with all the reasons given above about hostile political conditions, but adds that in any event, Israel is not sincere in its peace overtures and in fact continues to reject the international consensus two-state settlement (namely, full withdrawal in exchange for peace, with an independent Palestinian state established on the West Bank and Gaza with East Jerusalem as its capital). People who hold this view may compare Olmert's rhetoric with the government's actions on the ground - for example, even as Olmert was making lovely speeches about "statehood" and returning some of East Jerusalem, the IDF issued an expropriation order for over 1,100 dunams of land from four Palestinian villages between East Jerusalem and the settlement of Ma'aleh Adumim - the clear aim being to free up the "E-1" area for Israeli development. As veteran Ha'aretz correspondent Akiva Eldar wrote,
"This order is synonymous with putting an end to working on an agreement between Israel and the Palestinians on the basis of the principle of two states with territorial contiguity".
Likewise, Israeli settlements have continued to expand throughout 2006 and 2007, both east and west of the wall. Settlement expansion in the Jordan Valley continued, as did Israeli house demolitions there. Further, the illegal wall - described by the OCHA as a "de facto border" - continued to be constructed along a route that, when completed, will annex to Israel approx. 10% of the West Bank, trapping some 60,000 Palestinians in no-man's land between the wall and the Green Line. The projected route of the wall extends deep into Palestinian territory around Israeli settlement blocs (Ariel and Ma'aleh Adumim), and when complete will cut East Jerusalem off from the rest of the West Bank. Such actions, it is argued, are not at all consistent with a government genuinely seeking a just two-state settlement - on the contrary, they cohere perfectly with Israel's long established objective of severing the West Bank into several de facto non-contiguous cantons, annexing the Jordan Valley and allowing the Palestinians to call this "swiss-cheese" territory a "state". They further point to U.S./Israeli policy over the past year, which has been quite openly designed to fuel conflict between Hamas and Fatah and reject any offer of dialogue from a Hamas that entered office in the midst of a year-long self-imposed unilateral ceasefire, talking about a long-term truce with Israel. The fact that Israel/U.S. deliberately caused the collapse of the National Unity Government and are as we speak forbidding Abbas to talk to Hamas - a step that almost all informed analysts agree is a necessary prerequisite to any meaningful attempt at peace - demonstrates clearly that, far from representing a sincere attempt to end the conflict, the current "peace process" is actually driven by short-term political interests (i.e. the drive to isolate Hamas) and is merely a distraction from the continued colonisation of the West Bank.
For what it's worth, I am of the third view - I wrote an article about it here explaining why (with sources n all that).
I'd be interested to hear how others interpret the situation. Any thoughts?